The Bakwena, it seems, put down roots long before Tshwane

Posted by Madibeng Kgwete: 01 November 2010

The FF+ even borrowed from Marxist theory to substantiate their opposition to the Pretoria name-change

Any explorer seeking to trace the founders of modern-day Pretoria, the capital city of South Africa, would eventually arrive at one place, Church Square, and meet one particular group of migrants, the Voortrekkers.

And any search for Chief Tshwane, after whom the City of Tshwane Metropolitan Municipality is named, will lead any explorer either astray (as I was initially) or out of the city.

My initial expedition to trace the footsteps of the enigmatic chief was based on a widely-held presupposition, that Chief Tshwane was the founder of the modern-day city of Pretoria.

Following a futile three-day search for the chief in mid-September, I found myself immersed in Afrikaner history. I abandoned my search for Tshwane, whom even the municipal tourism authorities do not say much about.

Tshwane, the son of early Nguni migrants from the Natal, has now had his name immortalised in history, given to the municipality governing the historic capital city of South Africa.

Initial attempts to rename the entire city, including the central business district, after Tshwane have stalled, owing to vigorous opposition mainly from Afrikaners.

The predominantly Afrikaner political party, the Freedom Front Plus (FF+), has been so unrelenting in its opposition to the renaming of Pretoria to Tshwane it once even commissioned two Afrikaner academics to prepare a solid case against the name change.

The academics, Prof Pieter Labuschagne of the Department of Political Science at Unisa and Mr. Dirk Hermann, director of the Research Institute of the trade union Solidarity, concluded that the chief was never based on the site of modern-day Pretoria.

“The area south of the Magalies Mountains was up to 1825 Tswana area and not inhabited by the Ndebele,” wrote Labuschagne and Hermann. The two credited Tswana tribes as the rightful indigenous inhabitants of the area.

“The Bakwena tribe moved into the area and existed peacefully up to approximately 1825 when they were assimilated by force into a bigger unit as a result of the migration of the Matebeles under [the] leadership of Mzilikazi.”

Relying heavily on historical accounts of early 17th century English explorers, the two academics concluded in their report that “the location of the main kraal of Mzilikazi is indicated to be in the area of Pretoria North, even though smaller temporary rural settlements appeared to be more widespread.”

Hermann and Labuschagne credit Gerhardus Bronkhorst and his brother Lukas Bronkhorst as the first whites that settled in the Apies River area. The two brothers are said to have laid the farm Elandspoort.

Martinus Wessel Pretorius, the son of Voortrekker leader Andries Pretorius, bought the farm Elandspoort in 1835 from the Bronkhorst brothers. It was on this very farm, in 1855, that Pretorius founded the city of Pretoria.

Interestingly, by this time, Chief Tshwane’s royal family was most probably long disbanded – not by Voortrekker invaders, though, but as a result of infighting amongst his six sons.

According to a book published in 1965 (to which I was referred by a reader of the Sunday Independent after my initial article), Tshwane’s farther, Musi, was amongst the first group of Ngunis that trekked from Natal around year 1651.

The book by T.V. Bulpin, Lost Trails of the Transvaal (available at the municipal library), contains a brief narration of the story of Chief Tshwane. And the story corroborates with the contents of the report that Hermann and Labuschagne wrote for the FF+.

These early Zulu migrants – who later became known as Ndebeles – were not the first inhabitants of the areas around Pretoria. Various Tswana tribes were here long before them. And Musi’s base was in the Pretoria North region, in what is now the small town of Wonderboompoort, which is also known as Mayville.

It is not clear when Tshwane died; but, after his death, according to Bulpin, his six sons fought amongst themselves for chieftainship. “The whole tribe, accordingly, was split up into six groups: each independent, but all acknowledging a common origin.”

One group, under Manala, is said to have remained at the original tribal home. A second section, under Ndzundza, reportedly detached to the Olifants River. Another son, Dhlomo, is said to have gone back to Zululand.

Another one of the sons, Mthombeni, is reported to have “wandered up northwards and eventually settled in the bush along the southern slopes of Strydpoort Mountains.” The author does not say what happened to the rest of the two brothers.

It is important to note that the destruction of the Tshwane royal family happened before the arrival in the Transvaal of the second grouping of Ngunis, this time led by the warrior king, Mzilikazi.

A noteworthy conqueror, Mzilikazi led this second grouping of Ngunis from the mouth of the Olifants River. Towards the end of 1823, according to Bulpin, Mzilikazi operated a “robber band” from what is now the town of Bethal.

Mzilikazi’s alleged loot was not limited to livestock, for he is accused of having “won” even the wives of conquered clans and enrolled their sons as warriors.

It is important also to note that, even at this time – when Tshwane’s royal family had disintegrated – MW Pretorius had not even bought the farm, Elandspoort, upon which he later founded the city of Pretoria.

In their determination to keep the name Pretoria, the FF+ have gone to courts, organised protests and, at one point, even borrowed from Carl Marx’s theory of alienation.

The socialist theory revolved around workers losing their sense of identification with their own work. As explained in German, the word “alienation”, as applied in Marxist theory, means separation of things that naturally belong to each other.

The FF+ has argued that the dangers of alienation are also “extremely relevant” in name change processes. “In a majority democracy, it means that the majority in practice possess all the power,” the party lamented.

Earlier this year, in February, the storm around the name-change nearly erupted again after the Department of Arts and Culture listed Pretoria in a Government Gazette as one of the names to be changed permanently.

A predictable outcry immediately ensued, and the registration of the name was retracted within days of the gazette’s publication.

Still unresolved, the Pretoria name-change saga may soon come up again, and some unavoidable questions will have to be answered: could Tshwane himself have identified his name with the city as founded by Afrikaners? If names are being changed as tribute to ancient African leaders, won’t the Tswana tribe, Bakwena, claim more right to Pretoria?

An edited version of this article was published in the Sunday Independent on 31 October 2010, page 16.

New York City, a 'concrete jungle' indeed

Posted by Madibeng Kgwete: 27 October 2010

In their song, Empire State of Mind, American musicians Jay Z and Alicia Keys portray a picture of New York City that radiates optimism.

The singers refer to the city as a “concrete jungle where dreams are made of;” where, once you’re in, “there is nothing you can’t do.”

But there is also a warning: “For foreigners”, the lyrics go, “it ain’t fitted they forgot how to act; eight million stories out there and their naked; cities is a pity half of y’all won’t make it.”

The contrast, even in artistic form, is stark – a concrete jungle where even the big lights are enough to inspire one is the same place where “half of y’all (foreigners) won’t make it.”

In reality, even New York City’s own children – born and bred there – can be foreigners right at home. And it doesn’t take a tourist too long to meet some of these native “foreigners”.

My meeting with the underdogs of New York City, the ones you seldom see in movies set in this “empire state”, was coincidental.

We were sitting comfortably in a train, headed for a high profile reception at the Roosevelt Hotel in New York City on the sidelines of the 2004 National Republican Convention. The guest of honour: George W.H. Bush.

The passengers in the train were of mixed classes. The rich and the poor ride together. Businessmen in suits and pinstriped shirts and ties as well as ordinary folk in hip-hop wear, ears covered in headphones.

Then, just before the doors slam close, three teenage African-American boys jump in.

Unlike the rest of the passengers in the train, the trio isn’t going anywhere. They are beggars, and no sooner had the train started moving that they make their intentions clear.

“I ain’t got no parents; I ain’t got no home; I ain’t got no food,” pleads one of them, stretching his little hands for some coins.

Even before he finished his rhythmic plea, my fellow passengers were reaching for their pockets and handbags.

By this time, the speed of the train has gained momentum, down the famous New York City subway system. And the boy beggars gain a momentum of their own, moving from one carriage to the next, begging.

To Be Continued

Open Letter to SABC Operations Manager

Dear Frank Awuah, Manager for Operations at the SABC

Re: It is time to renew your television license

Thanks for your letter, dated 07 October 2010.

In the letter, you remind me that I must pay my yearly television license of R250, 00 by 30 November 2010, failing which I may “incur (unspecified) penalties.”

As a responsible citizen, I have no desire to face any of those “penalties” – so I will pay the amount as expected.

However, I should take this opportunity to remind you, as a representative of the SABC, that you should also take responsibility for the service you are supposed to render.

Just in case you need to be reminded, a couple of weeks ago the SABC was supposed to televise a game between the national football team, Bafana Bafana, and Sierra Leone. Not surprisingly, you failed to televise the game.

I am not sure what you do with the money that I pay into your accounts every year for my television license, and you don’t even bother to explain this. The only time I hear from you is when you remind me to pay up – which I always do.

I hope part of my money does not go to purchasing the many old American television shows that get repeated on your channels. Just the other day, in mid-September, Oprah Winfrey wished me a happy New Year (three months before the end of the year).

I also read in the newspapers that the chairman of the parliamentary committee on communications, Ishamail Vadi, criticised you, the SABC, for breach of relevant procurement processes.

The committee also reportedly said the financial position of the corporation “remains precarious” and that the board has not been able to hammer out a turnaround strategy.

So, does that mean I must just keep paying my annual R250,00 (for fear of those unspecified “penalties”) without knowing where it goes? Exactly what do you do with my money?

I hope you’ll respond to my questions.

Regards,

Madibeng Kgwete

TV license payer

An insult to the poor

Posted by Madibeng Kgwete: 06 October 2010

Meshack Mabogoane ignores all established knowledge in a bid to insult the poor, “Teenage girls the victims of the new Nongqawuse” (Business Day, 06 October 2010).

Mabogwane claims that unmarried teenagers “are having more children to access more grants” and proposes the formulation of a “commission of inquiry to investigate why there has been an exponential increase in child grant dependants.”

So, in essence, Mabogoane is proposing that a commission be set up to confirm his conviction that teenagers fall pregnant in order to receive grants.

He ignores the fact that the incidence of teenage pregnancy is not unique to South Africa. And some of the countries where teenage pregnancy is as prevalent do not even have a social grant system similar to South Africa’s.

Various academic studies – and some by organisations such as the United Nations Children’s Fund (UNICEF) – have attributed the prevalence of teenage pregnancy to several factors, amongst them dysfunctional families and various negative societal influences.

Currently, the monthly child support grant is R240, not enough to buy me breakfast, lunch and dinner in one day.

It is ridiculous to suggest that the many teenagers falling pregnant do so with the sole purpose of receiving this pittance.

See Mabogoane's article here: http://www.businessday.co.za/articles/Content.aspx?id=122902

What independence?

Posted by Madibeng Kgwete: 04 October 2010

Had South Africa continued marking its freedom from colonialism, in just over two months’ time – on December 11 – we would be celebrating 76 years of independence from Britain.

This year, 27 African countries celebrate 50 years of independence from various western colonial masters.

Notably absent from the itinerary of celebrations are certain countries in the Southern African region, amongst them South Africa.

So, why don’t South Africans celebrate their independence?

The reasons are as political as colonialism and apartheid were. Ours, in fact, was the first southern African country to gain independence in 1934.

Yet, because the independence was followed by apartheid – often referred to as “colonialism of a special kind” – South Africa does not celebrate its independence day.

When Harold Mcmillian used his historic speech, delivered to the South African parliament in February 1960 to officially acknowledge the “growth of national consciousness [across Africa as] a political fact”, independent South Africa was already 25 years old.

Apart from his acknowledgement that colonialism had no future, the British Prime Minister also used the speech to brag about Britain’s contribution to South Africa’s relatively strong economy.

“We in Britain are proud of the contribution we have made to this remarkable achievement. Much of it has been financed by British capital,” he said.

In the same year of Mcmillian’s historic speech, 27 African countries became free from colonial rule, and those countries mark 50 years of independence this year.

Ironically, at the time of Mcmillian’s speech, South Africa was a colonial master itself, having occupied Namibia – then known as German West Africa – during the First World War.

Britain was at war with Germany, and South Africa had to invade the neighbouring German territory as part of its “imperial duty.” Even in the wake of the collapse of the colonial system, the apartheid government hung on to Namibia until 1990.

Nevertheless, political organisations fighting for the liberation of blacks did not recognise South Africa’s status as an independent state, accusing the government of playing a puppet role to Britain.

The secretary-general of the ANC, Alfred Nzo, writing in June 1971, derided the apartheid regime as an extension of colonialism.

“The indigenous people who compose the overwhelming majority of the population were completely excluded from both the negotiations and the benefit of so-called ‘independence’,” wrote Nzo

“For the Africans there is no independence and no sovereignty. They are subjected like all colonial peoples by an alien white minority to subjugation, domination and exploitation. They suffer national oppression like any other colonial people,” Nzo continued.

Despite having been won through years diplomacy and war, South Africa’s independence from Britain is not being celebrated because the independence was for a small section of the population – and the historic date has been wiped off our national calendar, not to be remembered again.

Madibeng Kgwete
Pretoria