Book Title: Legacies of Power: leadership Change and Former Presidents in African Politics
Editors: Roger Southall and Henning Melber
ISBN: 91-7106-558-X
Reviewed by: Nelson Kgwete
One of South Africa’s biggest knowledge centres, the Human Sciences Research Council (HSRC) Press, has published an insightful book on the role of former African heads of states.
Entitled “Legacies of Power: Leadership Change and Former Presidents in African Politics”, the book is a compilation of scholarly articles by various notable authors.
The book critically evaluates the roles, both positive and negative, that former presidents such as Nelson Mandela of South Africa, Sam Nujoma of Nabibia, Charles Taylor of Liberia and others play after their terms of office expire.
There is also a chapter on Zimbabwe; but, here, the authors focus not on former Prime Minister Ian Smith. Rather, and perhaps quite fittingly, the focus is on President Robert Mugabe.
Titled “When I am a century old: why Robert Mugabe won’t go”, the chapter on Mugabe instantly pulls one’s attention, particularly in view of the current volatile political and economic situation in that country.
The writer of the chapter on Mugabe, David Moore, explains why the 84-year-old president won’t leave office. Moore quotes Mugabe as having told a rally as far back as July 1977 that: “The Zanu axe must continue to fall upon the necks of rebels when we find it no longer possible to persuade them into the harmony that binds us all.”
In the chapter, “Politics and presidential term limits in Uganda”, author Roger Tangri begins with a quote by Ugandan president Yoweri Museveni during his January 1986 swearing-in address when he said: “The problem of Africa in general and Uganda in particular is not the people but leaders who want to overstay in power”.
Curiously, Museveni is still in power today, 22 years after making that bold statement. Tangri outlines two reasons why Museveni, previously in favour of change of political leadership, has joined the ranks of those leaders “who want to overstay in power”.
Firstly, it is argued that, being the dominant political figure he is in Ugandan politics, Museveni does not see anyone else filling his shoes. Related to that, Tangri says there are some in Museveni’s so-called inner circle who want him to stay so they can continue to enjoy proximity to political power.
Secondly, Tangri argues that Museveni wants to stay on as President because he fears that a new political administration will uncover corruption committed by him or close allies under his leadership. Museveni “fears that his erstwhile political allies, now leading the political opposition, could attain political power and seek to settle old scores,” writes Tangri.
Not surprisingly, the chapter on Mandela is full of praises, except for the assertion that Mandela was not quite as effective in his mediation efforts in Africa as many would have thought. Mandela’s failed bid to stop then Nigerian President Sani Abacha from killing critic Ken Saro Wiwa is cited as an example.
Other chapters are no less enlightening. The writers rely on thorough research and their writing ranks amongst the highest in their academic quality.
Showing posts with label Books. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Books. Show all posts
Friday, June 20, 2008
Thursday, March 13, 2008
The Mystery of Capital
Book Review: The Mystery of Capital – Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else
Author: Hernando de Soto
ISBN: 0-552-99923-7
Reviewed by: Nelson Kgwete
What distinguishes Peruvian author and economist Hernado de Soto from the rest is the intensity of his research and the wealth of experience he boasts.
De Soto puts both qualities to good use in his book, “The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West And Fails Everywhere Else”.
In the groundbreaking book, De Soto explains in detail the pitfalls of Western-style capitalism in developing countries and what needs to be done to change the fortunes of poor countries and former communist nations.
He attributes much of the problems afflicting poor countries to bureaucratic inefficiency, something government officials and those who rely on government services will easily identify with.
In Egypt, for example, the author says his research team has established that: “To build a legal dwelling on former agricultural land would require six to 11 years of bureaucratic wrangling, maybe longer”!
This, according to De Soto, “explains why 4.7 million Egyptians have chosen to build their dwellings illegally.
“If, after building his home, a settler decides he would like to be a law-abiding citizen and purchase the rights to his dwelling, he risks having it demolished, paying a steep fine and serving up to ten years in prison.”
On growing urbanisation and why many developing countries struggle to cope, De Soto says “extralegal ventures [such as illegal occupations of land, unregistered small businesses in the inner cities] have already overtaken government efforts to provide housing for migrants and the poor”.
South Africans will bear testimony to this statement. Just last year during the Limpopo Housing Indaba, commentator after another emphasised the need to prioritise planning instead of occupying land, building and then planning afterwards. Everyone agreed that proper planning is crucial.
To get an idea of how difficult the life of migrants is in cities and other urban environments, De Soto said he and his team decided to open a small garment workshop on the outskirts of Lima, the capital city of Peru, with the aim of creating a new and perfectly legal business.
“The team then began filling out the forms, standing in the queues and making the bus trips into central Lima to get all the certifications required to operate, according to the letter of the law, a small business in Peru,” writes De Soto.
And what did they experience? Well, as the author puts it: “They spent six hours a day at it and finally registered the business – 289 days later.” And, “although the garment workshop was geared to operating with only one worker, the cost of legal registration was $1, 231 – thirty-one times the monthly minimum wage”!
De Soto says many governments in developing countries do not keep credible data of the people and their economic status. In plain terms, De Soto blames governments for not having enough information about the people they are supposed to serve.
To illustrate this, the Peruvian refers to a good example: “In Brazil,” he says, “the construction industry reported a mere 0.1 percent growth in 1995; yet cement sales during the first six months of 1996 soared by nearly 20 percent.”
“The reason for the apparent anomaly, according to a Dutch Morgan Grenfell, was that 60 to 70 percent of the region’s construction never makes it into the records,” writes De Soto in the chapter, The Mystery of Political Awareness.
The author uses numerous examples to show how failure to rapidly legalise small businesses and speed up government processes leads to lawlessness in many developing countries.
De Soto does not condone lawlessness though. Instead, he urges developing countries and former communist nations to stop copying Western laws without due consideration given to unique local realities.
Most South Africans will identify easily with the problems identified by De Soto in his book. If you’re looking for a stimulating read full of new and interesting ideas, De Soto’s groundbreaking offering should come handy.
Author: Hernando de Soto
ISBN: 0-552-99923-7
Reviewed by: Nelson Kgwete
What distinguishes Peruvian author and economist Hernado de Soto from the rest is the intensity of his research and the wealth of experience he boasts.
De Soto puts both qualities to good use in his book, “The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West And Fails Everywhere Else”.
In the groundbreaking book, De Soto explains in detail the pitfalls of Western-style capitalism in developing countries and what needs to be done to change the fortunes of poor countries and former communist nations.
He attributes much of the problems afflicting poor countries to bureaucratic inefficiency, something government officials and those who rely on government services will easily identify with.
In Egypt, for example, the author says his research team has established that: “To build a legal dwelling on former agricultural land would require six to 11 years of bureaucratic wrangling, maybe longer”!
This, according to De Soto, “explains why 4.7 million Egyptians have chosen to build their dwellings illegally.
“If, after building his home, a settler decides he would like to be a law-abiding citizen and purchase the rights to his dwelling, he risks having it demolished, paying a steep fine and serving up to ten years in prison.”
On growing urbanisation and why many developing countries struggle to cope, De Soto says “extralegal ventures [such as illegal occupations of land, unregistered small businesses in the inner cities] have already overtaken government efforts to provide housing for migrants and the poor”.
South Africans will bear testimony to this statement. Just last year during the Limpopo Housing Indaba, commentator after another emphasised the need to prioritise planning instead of occupying land, building and then planning afterwards. Everyone agreed that proper planning is crucial.
To get an idea of how difficult the life of migrants is in cities and other urban environments, De Soto said he and his team decided to open a small garment workshop on the outskirts of Lima, the capital city of Peru, with the aim of creating a new and perfectly legal business.
“The team then began filling out the forms, standing in the queues and making the bus trips into central Lima to get all the certifications required to operate, according to the letter of the law, a small business in Peru,” writes De Soto.
And what did they experience? Well, as the author puts it: “They spent six hours a day at it and finally registered the business – 289 days later.” And, “although the garment workshop was geared to operating with only one worker, the cost of legal registration was $1, 231 – thirty-one times the monthly minimum wage”!
De Soto says many governments in developing countries do not keep credible data of the people and their economic status. In plain terms, De Soto blames governments for not having enough information about the people they are supposed to serve.
To illustrate this, the Peruvian refers to a good example: “In Brazil,” he says, “the construction industry reported a mere 0.1 percent growth in 1995; yet cement sales during the first six months of 1996 soared by nearly 20 percent.”
“The reason for the apparent anomaly, according to a Dutch Morgan Grenfell, was that 60 to 70 percent of the region’s construction never makes it into the records,” writes De Soto in the chapter, The Mystery of Political Awareness.
The author uses numerous examples to show how failure to rapidly legalise small businesses and speed up government processes leads to lawlessness in many developing countries.
De Soto does not condone lawlessness though. Instead, he urges developing countries and former communist nations to stop copying Western laws without due consideration given to unique local realities.
Most South Africans will identify easily with the problems identified by De Soto in his book. If you’re looking for a stimulating read full of new and interesting ideas, De Soto’s groundbreaking offering should come handy.
Wednesday, January 23, 2008
Capitalist Nigger - The Road to Success
Book review: Capitalist Nigger – The Road to Success
Author: Chika Onyeani
ISBN: 0-9678460-9-9
Reviewed by: Madibeng Kgwete
Controversial Nigerian Author Chika Onyeani, who is currently based in the United States, knew that the title of his book – Capitalist Nigger – would offend some black people. He also knew that a greater number of Africans would be even more offended by the contents of the book; but he went ahead and published the book whose release was greeted with as much condemnation as ululation.
Onyeani himself concedes in the introduction to his book that his observations are bound to infuriate a lot of his people, the black race. The author correctly predicted that many people will be angry when he questions the intelligence of Africans as compared to others who attained independence at the same time as most African countries.
Wiseman Khuzwayo, writing in the Business Report last year after Onyeani’s keynote address to the annual conference of the Black Management Forum, said the author “is universally regarded as the scourge of the black capitalist and as one who uses every available opportunity to fire off missiles.”
When the Mail & Guardian newspaper asked Onyeani what hampers blacks from progressing economically, the author pointed out: “Inferiority complex. I met a man who says he is from a village somewhere here [in South Africa]. He told me that the people in his village have lost all their stores to the Pakistanis.
“Why is that? It is because we are not willing to put in the same amount of time. It is because the Pakistanis are willing to work hard; they are prepared to work 25 hours a day and eight days a week. Blacks are not willing to work hard. They think that once you have a shop, you have arrived.”
In the book, Onyeani lambasts blacks all over the world for a variety reasons, including their alleged dependence on other races for their survival, for being “economic slaves” and having a “short attention span” in a long list of accusations.
The chapter, “Blacks illusions of success”, is particularly scathing. In it, Onyeani says, amongst other things, that: “The Black race has a very short attention span. When something happens, we holler and kick, organize demonstrations and rallies. In less that the time it takes to say Jack Daniel, we have already forgotten the cause or point of our anger. We are back in bed with our oppressors.”
Onyeani rarely minces his words when condemning the attitudes of African people. “Africans live for today,” he says. “Let tomorrow take care of itself and be damned.”
The author challenges the notion of African independence. “We are a conquered race and it is utterly foolish for us to believe that we are independent. The black race depends on other communities for its culture, its language, its feeding and its clothing.”
Perhaps the greatest condemnation of the black race in Onyeani’s book is reserved for the chapter, “Detour to the Promised Land: Intellectual bankruptcy”. In this chapter, the author opines: “We have a very short burst of energy which easily extinguishes in the face of impediment. We prefer to be parasites of a culture we had no part in creating”.
Onyeani loves controversy. In fact, he seems to adore controversial people. In one of the chapters in the book where he criticizes African scholars, he writes: “You cannot point to any research that they [African scholars] have come up with which has elicited comment which could be regarded as controversial.”
The author claims that Africans are regarded so lowly in Western countries that “no African scholar in America is called upon as an expert on matters affecting Africa in all the major television networks”.
Onyeani’s biggest frustration is Africa’s continuing dependence on other continents for its survival. The frustration is shared by many African leaders and scholars. Many of Onyeani’s critics lament his outright language as opposed to the bottom line of his arguments, which is black inaction in areas that matter the most: the economy and culture.
One of Africa’s most illustrious academics, Dr. Ali Mazrui, has described Capitalist Nigger as “a passionate sense of anger and collective self-reproach.”
Depending on individuals’ reaction to criticism (harsh criticism in the case of Capitalist Nigger), some will find Onyeani’s book to be completely outrageous. Others will share his frustrations and decide to change.
Author: Chika Onyeani
ISBN: 0-9678460-9-9
Reviewed by: Madibeng Kgwete
Controversial Nigerian Author Chika Onyeani, who is currently based in the United States, knew that the title of his book – Capitalist Nigger – would offend some black people. He also knew that a greater number of Africans would be even more offended by the contents of the book; but he went ahead and published the book whose release was greeted with as much condemnation as ululation.
Onyeani himself concedes in the introduction to his book that his observations are bound to infuriate a lot of his people, the black race. The author correctly predicted that many people will be angry when he questions the intelligence of Africans as compared to others who attained independence at the same time as most African countries.
Wiseman Khuzwayo, writing in the Business Report last year after Onyeani’s keynote address to the annual conference of the Black Management Forum, said the author “is universally regarded as the scourge of the black capitalist and as one who uses every available opportunity to fire off missiles.”
When the Mail & Guardian newspaper asked Onyeani what hampers blacks from progressing economically, the author pointed out: “Inferiority complex. I met a man who says he is from a village somewhere here [in South Africa]. He told me that the people in his village have lost all their stores to the Pakistanis.
“Why is that? It is because we are not willing to put in the same amount of time. It is because the Pakistanis are willing to work hard; they are prepared to work 25 hours a day and eight days a week. Blacks are not willing to work hard. They think that once you have a shop, you have arrived.”
In the book, Onyeani lambasts blacks all over the world for a variety reasons, including their alleged dependence on other races for their survival, for being “economic slaves” and having a “short attention span” in a long list of accusations.
The chapter, “Blacks illusions of success”, is particularly scathing. In it, Onyeani says, amongst other things, that: “The Black race has a very short attention span. When something happens, we holler and kick, organize demonstrations and rallies. In less that the time it takes to say Jack Daniel, we have already forgotten the cause or point of our anger. We are back in bed with our oppressors.”
Onyeani rarely minces his words when condemning the attitudes of African people. “Africans live for today,” he says. “Let tomorrow take care of itself and be damned.”
The author challenges the notion of African independence. “We are a conquered race and it is utterly foolish for us to believe that we are independent. The black race depends on other communities for its culture, its language, its feeding and its clothing.”
Perhaps the greatest condemnation of the black race in Onyeani’s book is reserved for the chapter, “Detour to the Promised Land: Intellectual bankruptcy”. In this chapter, the author opines: “We have a very short burst of energy which easily extinguishes in the face of impediment. We prefer to be parasites of a culture we had no part in creating”.
Onyeani loves controversy. In fact, he seems to adore controversial people. In one of the chapters in the book where he criticizes African scholars, he writes: “You cannot point to any research that they [African scholars] have come up with which has elicited comment which could be regarded as controversial.”
The author claims that Africans are regarded so lowly in Western countries that “no African scholar in America is called upon as an expert on matters affecting Africa in all the major television networks”.
Onyeani’s biggest frustration is Africa’s continuing dependence on other continents for its survival. The frustration is shared by many African leaders and scholars. Many of Onyeani’s critics lament his outright language as opposed to the bottom line of his arguments, which is black inaction in areas that matter the most: the economy and culture.
One of Africa’s most illustrious academics, Dr. Ali Mazrui, has described Capitalist Nigger as “a passionate sense of anger and collective self-reproach.”
Depending on individuals’ reaction to criticism (harsh criticism in the case of Capitalist Nigger), some will find Onyeani’s book to be completely outrageous. Others will share his frustrations and decide to change.
Friday, July 6, 2007
Book Review: The Mystery of Capital
Book: The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else
Author: Hernado de Soto
ISBN: 0-552-99923-7
Reviewer: Madibeng Kgwete
What distinguishes Peruvian author and economist Hernado de Soto from the rest is the intensity of his research and the wealth of personal experience he boasts.
De Soto puts these two qualities to good use in his book, “The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else”.
The author blames, amongst other things, red tape in the public sector, lack of information and the inability by poor “Third World” countries to bring what he calls “dead capital” into the mainstream economy.
In Egypt, for example, the author says his research has established that: “To build a legal dwelling on former agricultural land would require 6 to 11 years of bureaucratic wrangling, maybe longer”!
This, according to De Soto, “explains why 4.7 million Egyptians have chosen to build their dwellings illegally. If, after building his home, a settler decides he would like to be a law-abiding citizen and purchase the rights to his dwelling, he risks having it demolished, paying a steep fine and serving up to ten years in prison”.
On growing urbanisation and why many developing countries struggle to cope, De Soto says “extralegal ventures [such as illegal occupations of land, unregistered small businesses in the inner cities, etc; reviewer’s own example] have already overtaken government efforts to provide housing for migrants and the poor”.
The book is quite fascinating, more so when one tries to compare the examples the author uses to the situation here in South Africa.
Author: Hernado de Soto
ISBN: 0-552-99923-7
Reviewer: Madibeng Kgwete
What distinguishes Peruvian author and economist Hernado de Soto from the rest is the intensity of his research and the wealth of personal experience he boasts.
De Soto puts these two qualities to good use in his book, “The Mystery of Capital: Why Capitalism Triumphs in the West and Fails Everywhere Else”.
The author blames, amongst other things, red tape in the public sector, lack of information and the inability by poor “Third World” countries to bring what he calls “dead capital” into the mainstream economy.
In Egypt, for example, the author says his research has established that: “To build a legal dwelling on former agricultural land would require 6 to 11 years of bureaucratic wrangling, maybe longer”!
This, according to De Soto, “explains why 4.7 million Egyptians have chosen to build their dwellings illegally. If, after building his home, a settler decides he would like to be a law-abiding citizen and purchase the rights to his dwelling, he risks having it demolished, paying a steep fine and serving up to ten years in prison”.
On growing urbanisation and why many developing countries struggle to cope, De Soto says “extralegal ventures [such as illegal occupations of land, unregistered small businesses in the inner cities, etc; reviewer’s own example] have already overtaken government efforts to provide housing for migrants and the poor”.
The book is quite fascinating, more so when one tries to compare the examples the author uses to the situation here in South Africa.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)
